ENDE

“ENDE”, MANDAILING FOLK SONGS

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by Edi Nasution

As one of the ethnic groups in North Sumatra, society has various shades Mandailing folk songs and they call it "ende". A mother for example, singing as he cradled his son in order to fall asleep is called "ende bue-bue". Similarly, when a father for example expressing compassion through singing to his son who left for dead by her mother called "ende-uro uro".

"Ende mamuro" can be present in the loom when a farmer dispel sparrows who eat rice in the fields. There is also a vendor or seller "ngiro" (sap water) as "ari poken" (day of week) shouted: "... ngiro na ... ngiro na ... !!! patalak ... patalak ... so u patungkap ... " to include "near song" (Jan Harold Brunvand, 1968), is more concerned with the singing of "words" instead of the song, which is better known as "peddler's cries". Moreover, in some singing Mandailing present together dance "tortor custom", ie "jeir" that accompanied the ensemble music "Gondang Boru".

This time we try to explain a little about the two people singing Mandailaing. First, "ungut-ungut" contained in "Mandailaing Julu", and secondly, "sitogol" from "Mandailaing Godang". Which "ungut-ungut" usually can be present in various places and occasions. While "sitogol" usually sung person (youth) from above "tor" (small hills) are often interspersed with the sound of a musical instrument "olonglio" ("uyup-uyup durame" - free reed) and the occasional "dosik" (whistling) that can be heard and to the attention of the idol girl who was working in the fields are located in the valley hills.

AMBIGUITY

In the lyric song called "Sitogol dari Mandailaing Godang" created by Nahum Situmorang said that "Sitogol dari Mandailaing Godang" equals "Onang-Onang" contained in Angkola. As far as the authors that both singing it much different, both from the aspect of her music and in terms of use.

"Sitogol" from "Mandailaing Godang" has a rhythmic and melodic style that is much different from the "Onang-Onang" from Angkola, and "Sitogol" never present in the context of the traditional wedding ceremony for example, while "Onang-Onang" of Angkola it is "traditional singing "brought together dance "tortor” indigenous to the accompaniment of a musical ensemble "Gondang Dua". Although there are "Onang-Onang" sung not in the context of traditional ceremonies, but the cultivation of musical styles are not much different - just text or poem are calm - in the context of traditional ceremonies. So it is clear that "ende Sitogol" from "Mandailaing Godang" is not the same as "Onang-Onang" from Angkola.

In this case, Angkola is one ethnic group nearest neighbor Mandailaing ethnic groups in South Tapanuli. It may be said that between the two ethnic groups is more prevalent cultural similarities than differences. While South Tapanuli itself is a term for a government administrative region now that the status of "district" which is a Dutch colonial heritage. Therefore, there will never be "Gondang Tapanuli Selatan” (art and culture of South Tapanuli).

TEXTUAL ASPECTS

Both "ungut-ungut" or "sitogol" has text or poetic Mandailaing and generally contains jeremiads (expression of feelings) about love or even destitution. Therefore they are more concerned than song lyrics. Both the singing initially did not have the number of rows (the temple) which remains as sung spontaneously. There are times when 4 lines (structured poem), line 5, 6 lines and so on, but there is a tendency in the subsequent development of "structured rhyme". For "ungut-ungut" that "rhyming ab-ab", where the first line and the second is "sampiran", being the third and fourth line is "content". The text "sitogol" structured poem (or not) as well as a whole tend to contents, without any “sampiran” its.

In the text singing "ungut-ungut" and "sitogol" There are a lot of word 'mada', 'ile', ‘baya, 'da' and others that do not connote (meaningless syllables), the same position with the word 'lah', 'kah','kah’ or 'yang' in Indonesian. Words or syllables are used to support the "artistic effect" and sometimes to adjust the amount of syllables in each "range of melody" (phrase). Things like this was first formulated by cultural Drs. Z. Pangaduan Lubis in his paper: "Penelitian Tekstual Dalam Jeir: Suatu Pengamatan Awal“. Talk presented at the III Ethnomusicology 1987 at the Faculty of Letters USU Medan.

When considered in the composition or the number of syllables sung melody for each range, it does not have the same amount. This situation shows that the number of syllables for each range of the melody is not binding by default. It can form sentences long or short in any stretch of the melody. Adjustment long or short sentence in each range melody when singing “ende sitogol” or “ungut-ungut” depending on the "expertise" of “si parende” (singer) itself.

ASPECTS OF MUSICAL

'Ungut-ungut"solo sung by a man with a moderate tempo, melodic style that is static (heightened speech), without meter (heterometris) and usually as an accompaniment is a wind instrument “distilled" or "salung". While “sitogol” also sung solo by men with moderate tempo, sometimes interspersed strains “olonglio” musical instruments and the occasional "dosik" (whistling). in addition, "sitogol" has kantur melodic ascending (up) and also without meters (heterometris). the fundamental difference, where "ungut-ungut" sung softly.

While “ende sitogol" shouted a bit stronger as sung from the top of the hill in order to be heard idol girl who was working in the fields, in the valley, the hills where he sang "sitogol". Both "ungut- ungut” or "sitogol" tend to be "strophic" because they always repeat the formula (form) the same melody but with a new song text. RizaIdi Siagian MA (Chairman of the Department of Ethnomusicology at the Faculty of Letters USU) suggests that music (vocal) as this is called "Logogenic". This means that more emphasis clicking the text songs to express ideas rather than the satisfaction of musical aspect.

CLOOSING

"Ungut-ungut" and "sitogol" is a folk song of Mandailaing (called "ende" only by them) that consists of words and songs, traditional form because there is and exists in Mandailaing society since the beginning until now. Also has many variants and circulated orally in society Mandailaing.

Furthermore, it can be argued that the two Mandailing folk songs can be categorized into lyrical folk songs that are real (James Danandjaya 1984; 14153). Because the lyrics express feelings without telling a story that is continued, and the dominant express feelings of sadness, despair at the loss of something, or love, or even destitution depicting human desires are never reached.(*)

Posted in Daily WASPADA Medan, 1991.

"Gondang Porang"

"Gondang" and "Porang" 

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By Edi Nasution 

CULTURE, for some reason, this is now  a few people who looked just as "art" of course, the term "seni budaya", they said. Yet according to the experts that anthropologists, culture is related to all aspects of human life (language, art, religion, subsistence systems, science, and so on), the form can be the idea (ideal form), activity (action), and physical culture. 

The elements of the culture, the other mutual fused (integrated) in total. It may occur because of cultural elements that have the same part that is something that can be integrated functionally intact among cultural elements. If in Mandailaing, all aspects of their lives based on the customary "Dalian Na Tolu" (the three main pedestal of "mora", "kahanggi", and "anak boru"), not MARGA (clans), be it in the "markobar" (deliberation), "marsaba-markobun" (agriculture), "margondang-marogung" (music and dance), "marbagas" (ceremonial wedding), "mambulungi" (ceremonial death), and so on. 

In simple terms "culture" that is roughly similar to the "car" that has wheels, tub, engine, brakes, persineling, driver, and so on. If for example the wheels or the driver does not exist, of course, "car" that can not move forward or backward. Approximately so too does "culture", it does not function optimally in the absence of the functional elements. 

In the development of a civilization that has lasted hundreds even reaching thousands of years, it could be an element of tribal culture (nation) another "entry" into the civilization/culture them, where "foreign culture" which makes it further experience with cultural acculturation who have been there before. 

It could happen "foreign culture" which makes it actually is not fully integrated with the "old culture" due to various factors, but the tribe/nation supporting it with a variety of cultural reasons, while recognizing and utilizing the "foreign culture" as their culture. Perhaps, in a relatively long period of time (a long process), they hope "foreign culture" that will eventually be established culture, which will be the same quality as the old cultures (native) them, so "absolutely" already seen an their culture intact (integrated) fully with others. 

It could be "yes", but it could be "no". Because there may be anthropologists/sociologists who find "foreign culture" which makes it look not so when integrated (merging) with the cultures of their others. As with percussion instruments such as the "drum" almost possessed by all tribes/nations in the world both in the West and in the East, where the terms of the shape is very varied. The question is whether the basic idea of making "drum" that comes from the West and then spread to the East, or otherwise from the East which then spread to the West, or in both the East and West have both been there "drum", but the tribes that use it as a percussion instrument tends to change the shape of "drum" and play rhythm patterns based on the uniqueness of their own culture, or perhaps copied from the tribe/other nations, is a "field research" is quite interesting in the disciplines of ethnomusicology (the study of music ethnic). 

Clearly, the existence of "drum" is once again proving that the various tribes/nations have been in contact with each other since thousands of years ago, either individually or in groups, such as the important events such as "war" in which "drum" played to give the spirit warriors to war, so in Mandailaing there is a special repertoire called "gondang porang". 

~o0o~

"dongung-dongung"

Between 'Pior' and Love 

By Edi Nasution 

Introduction

LIFE IN Mandailaing past society has been characterized by a cultural value system that does not allow for interaction open (free) between boys and girls, so that however the flame burning love between them must be done (combined) in secret. 

In such circumstances, the language leaves (bladerentaal) is an alternative means of communication to express heart's content. For example, a young man wants to say "do not get any separation between us" to her lover, the young man will send the leaves of plants: simardulang-dulang ('ulang' = do not), leaves sitata ('ita' = us), and leaves sitarak ('marsarak' = split). For more details see the paper by Drs. Z. Pangaduan Lubis titled "Mandailing dan Kita: Suatu Perkenalan Awal" (1990) as "Discussion Mandailaing Culture" at the Faculty of Letters USU Medan. 

Although the "language leaves" (bladerentaal) has been popular in the past, but it is also possible existence of obstacles for a young man or a boy and a girl who wants to express to each other's heart. As the difficulty met to deliver leaves, feelings of mutual unwilling  or fear when "gayung tidak bersambut​​" (rejected). Given these barriers, it does not mean the young man desperate to be able to captivate the girls wanted. Apparently, there are many ways that can be taken, where one of them is to use a musical instrument called 'pior'. 

Organological and Classification 

Pior is a sound instrument made ​​of bamboo, wood, areca sheath, and parts of the cane as a binder. Of a round piece of wood and lightweight (timber named atinar or goti) formed into sheets of wood whose length is approximately 80 cm and width 10 cm, made ​​a hole in its center axis. 

Then the sheet was formed into a wooden windmill 'double plate', and the two ends fastened to a pair of powerful sound tool called 'dongung-dongung'. Dongung-dongung is made from a piece of bamboo named 'bulu Poring', whose length is about 15 cm from the 'book' is intact up to the cut edges taper, and about 3-4 cm in diameter bamboo. 

In the hole axis are given a sort of "pen" made ​​of small bamboo, while the wick is made of bamboo round. And the extension axis (in the back) is equipped with a wind direction regulating stem of betel nut tree ('Laklak'). Laklak is useful for finding the direction the wind is blowing, which in turn pior device is placed on the vertical bamboo tubes and has a "buku" or "ruas" on near the transverse axis. Furthermore, through the vertical hole bamboo tube is inserted milestone logs as pior poles. Pior pole length is adjusted to the needs, then planted on the ground. 

After pior perfectly fixed, then appabila prontal wind blowing against pior, pior so it will rotate vertically along dongung-dongung each attached at both ends. As a result of turning dongung-dongung, then there was a clash "column of air" on the tube dongung-dongung. Furthermore, this clash of the air column produces the "vibe", and with a certain frequency of this geteran will produce noise or buzzing sound. 

We know that sounds pior stronger at night because it is in line with the principles of physics, where at night the air is more dense on the surface of the soil, and consequently the sound produced pior curved downward, while in the afternoon the opposite. 

In connection with that has described above and also in accordance with the instrument's classification method proposed by Curt Sachs and Hornbostel (1881-1969), the 'pior' is equipped with 'dongung-dongung' This includes the classification of musical instruments 'aerofon'. 

Use and Function 

Pior is generally installed in hilly areas, or can also be tied to the lowland kuini or mango tree, in order to get more wind. As has been put forward at the top, where pior is equipped with two musical instruments (dongung-dongung), which is made from a piece of bamboo cut taper, tied at both ends. Making this clear dongung-dongung actions deliberately designed by a young man for a particular purpose. In this case to captivate a girl who coveted the creator pior. 

According to information from some parents, dongung-dongung previously smoked with incense, as an introduction to the incantations that will be spoken by the creator pior. With the expectation that the 'noise' generated 'dongung-dongung' (called 'pitunang') can deliver the desired desire pior makers (youth) to a girl who wanted. Usually after pior fixed within a few days, it could be her intended child began to wonder to myself, daydreaming, and overcome by longing. 

In these circumstances the usual · girls began to show a reaction to finding someone dear to his heart, but he does not know who on earth. He started acting actively associate and occasional visiting relatives outside the village. In a situation like this can likely meet with the young man pior makers. After meeting with the boy, the girl felt something 'thing' that touches the deepest feelings, and he felt drawn to the personality of the youth. 

In an atmosphere like this encounter, 'perhaps' the young man was not only rely on the power of 'pitunang' alone, but he might as well wear a 'glamor' extras, such as fragrant-Haruman or prayers (mantra) certain designated for the girl child, to be more impressive about the young man to receive love pior makers. So the relationship between them can be established familiar, and the girl felt safe, peaceful, and protected on the side of the youth, and the most likely "gayung" (tit) was intercepted. 

Departing from the above description, and although the author has not had time to document the sound of 'dongung-dongung' (a monotone voice), and 'mantras' are spoken by the creator pior, the authors argue that the behavior is not a practice pior makers 'magic'. Therefore, the creator and master pior not use force and occult laws that exist in nature to achieve its objectives. But it is a form of 'religious', this is in accordance with the concept proposed by JD Frazer in his book The Golden Bough (1890), that "religion is a system of all human actions to achieve a purpose by way of thrusting themselves to the area and power of spirits such as spirits or gods, and others who occupy nature". 

In the period before the introduction of Islam to Mandailing, the people there embraced the religious system called "Sipelebegu". It turns out that the religious system (Sipelebegu) is gradually lost since the strong influence of the Islamic religion that more and more embraced and beloved by Mandailaing people, and in turn change the mindset of the people about the 'Godhead'. Nonetheless, Sipelebegu religious system (culture) is still remaining despite been colored by Islam. Accordingly, the presence in Mandailaing pior, as fixed as in Tor Sijanggut - Huta Pungkut (Mandailing Julu)now is probably the remnants of the religious system 'Sipelebegu' is colored by Islamic religion. 

Closing 

As described above, where 'pitunang' can be used to lure and subdue the heart of a girl. Therefore, 'pitunang' is an allure of using 'sound' ("dongug-dongung") as a medium for certain purposes. 

In fact "pitunang" is not only used for the purpose as above, that there are times when mounted on a means of transportation, such as 'cart'. Pitunang to the cart is mounted on 'markusip' (two metal plates as a means of sounds such as "bell"), located at the edge of the wheel axis: left and right, or mounted on a 'gonto' (bells) are usually hooked in the neck buffalo or oxen pull carts. 

There is also hanging in the cart. The use of 'pitunang' on the parts that produce this sound is to captivate the subscription so that they lay their goods to the owner of the wagon pitunang put in his cart. 

In Mandailaing, we know about the youth event "markusip" (tradition dating by way of whispering between young men and women were confined walls of the house at night, see Edi Nasution, Muzik Bujukan Mandailing, 2007), and it turns out this markusip tradition did not escape the use of a variety of musical instruments that use 'pitunang' like 'tulila', 'sordam', or 'genggong' (jaw's harp). 

Furthermore, it can be assumed (by the author Edi Nasution and Ir. Hafis Nasution) that the tradition of 'pior' appears earlier than tradition 'markusip' when viewed from the aspect of socio-cultural and technological, in which the system of cultural values ​​in the tradition of 'pior' very strict and tools musical 'pior' itself produces only one sound or a humming sound (drones) continuous (monotone), and the perpetrator is still a secret. 

While the cultural value system of the future has begun to loose markusip tradition, and have been wearing various brass instruments are more melodic (has some holes tones), as well as the offender has begun to show courage. 

Finally, since the development of technology to reach the villages as a means of "listrik masuk desa" (lighting rural electrification), and the era of information (tv, radio, newspapers, etc.) that greatly affect the "mindset" Mandailaing society, so that both traditions 'pior' and 'markusip' in relation to the lost romance began with the times.*** 

Published in Harian Waspada Medan, 1990.

~o0o~

tradisional ceremonial "mangupa"

The Challenges of Translating an Ethnic Ritual Text of Mandailing

By: Syahron Lubis

 Umar Mono

Linguistics Postgraduate Program

Universitas Sumatera Utara

ronlubis@yahoo.com

Abstract

The aim of the study was to show how to translate a cultural text of Mandailing: a ritual text recited at a wedding ceremony of the society, into English. Meaning-based translation method had been applied to translate the text called mangupa. Due to the vast linguistic differences between the source language (SL) (Mandailingnese) and the target language (TL) (English) a number of linguistically-related translation problems were encountered. And due to the great differences between SL cultures and TL cultures a number of culturally-related translation problems were found ranging from untranslatable items to items which could be translated literally into the TL but need explanation. Since the text did not only consist of prose text but also verses a various translation techniques must be used to translate the 37 verses in order to achieve not only meaning equivalents but also to create the rhymes of the translated verses. It was found that the structure of phrases, compound words and sentences in the SL and the TL were so different and thus caused translation problems. Subjects of sentences, numbers and conjunctions which were sometimes implicit in the SL must be made explicit in the translation. A certain word category in the SL might correspond to a different word category in the TL and thus they caused shift. Since the mangupa text is a classic text, there were many archaic words whose meanings were untranslatable. Since tenses do not exist in the SL they caused special translation problems to translate the text into the TL which has tenses. In order to achieve the rhymes of the translated verses, the following translation techniques must be used: transposition, addition, generalization, alteration, explication, modulation, concretization and transcreation.

Key words: source language/text, target language/text, equivalents, untranslatable, shifts, cultures

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The relationship between language and culture is very close since language is part of the culture it self. Language and culture are even inseparable. Furthermore language is culture and culture is language. One cannot be understood unless the other is understood. When people communicate verbally and nonverbally their culture is embodied in their language (Kramsch, 1998: 3). The closeness of the relationship between language and culture is sometimes likened to the two sides of a single coin.

Translating is process of transferring not only the meanings of Source Language (SL) into Target Language (TL) but also the cultural meanings contained in the text being translated. If only the linguistic meanings of the Source Text (ST) which are transferred into the Target Text (TT) while the cultural meanings are ignored, the translation will only be acceptable linguistically but will be unacceptable culturally. Translating, for example a short English text: Julia mengawini (married) Tom, suaminya (her husband) sepuluh tahun yang lalu (ten years ago) is linguistically acceptable, but culturally unacceptable since in Indonesian culture men and women are not in an equal position in terms of marriage. It is a man who acts actively not a woman. Only by changing Julia as the object of the verb married or by changing the active sentence into passive, then the translation will be culturally acceptable in Indonesian culture.

English and Mandailingnese are two distinct languages genealogically, typologically as well as geographically. English belongs to Indo-European family, of Verb-Subject-Object (VSO) word order, spoken mainly in western countries like USA, Canada, Britain, Ireland (Crystal, 2001) by hundreds of millions of speakers who adopt individualistic culture. In contrast, Mandailingnese is an ethnic language of Indonesia that belongs to Austronesian family (Hartmann & Stork, 1972) of VOS (Verb-ObjectSubject) word order spoken only by a hundred thousand speakers in a small area of an eastern country who adopt collectivistic culture. Thus it is assumed that anyone who is translating English into Mandailingnese or from Mandailingnese into English must be faced with not only linguistic problems but cultural problems as well.

The purpose of study

The purpose of the study was to translate a text spoken by a skilled speaker to accompany part of Mandailingnese wedding ceremony called text of mangupa (TM) into English and to find out translation problems that may arise as linguistically and culturally affected by both distinctness of the SL and the TL and to find appropriate translation techniques to solve the problems so that the translation could be expected readable and acceptable for English readers.

Research Method

1. Data

The data (the text translated) was a written text of mangupa comprising 22 paragraphs and 37 verses. The mangupa ceremony was held in the groom’s house attended by members of dalihan na tolu, the host and the people having the same clan as his kahanggi, the side who gave the host wife, mora, and the side to whom the host gave wife, anak boru. Mangupa is mainly a ceremony of giving advice to a newly married couple. A skilled speaker gives the advice to the couple using things like cooked chicken, boiled eggs, salt, cooked rice etc as the symbols of the advice. For example, the yellow of the egg symbolizes gold. The married couple is advised to collect gold/wealth as much as possible. Thus a mangupa text is actually expressed orally but for the present study a written text (an oral text which had been transcribed into written form) was used because the written text is now available. And the suprasegmental elements contained in the oral form, in the writer’s opinion, are not so relevant to the purpose of the translation.

2. Translation Method

 As mentioned previously the text translated was one written in Mandailingnese and then translated into English. Both are very distinct languages. Thus, the type of the translation used belongs to inter-lingual translation. The ideal aim of translation of such type is to achieve a translation which is accurate (without intentionally losing some important information), readable (easy to read and understand) and acceptable (can be accepted by the readers because the translation has conformed to their cultural values). However such an ideal translation is not easy to achieve. A translation whose purpose is to render the meaning of the text being translated although the form of the translation is not similar to the form of the ST is what is claimed by Larson as idiomatic translation (Larson, 1984:16) or communicative translation by Newmark (1988 : 46). The idiomatic or communicative translation method has been done to translate the TM.

3. Translation Procedures

Since translation is commonly related to two aspects, i.e. the linguistic aspect and the cultural aspect, the first thing done was to compare the linguistic characteristics of English and Mandailingnese to see whether the two languages are different in all aspects or are only different in some important aspects. By knowing the differences of the SL and the TL translation problems could be anticipated. Second, the two cultures were also compared to see whether a translation of a sentence or an expression is acceptable linguistically but is unacceptable culturally. After the two aspects had been compared, then the ST was analyzed to see the genre of the text because a different text needs a different translation approach to 3translate it. Then the translation process passed through seven stops : 1) transfer of meaning of the ST to TT, 2) writing the first draft, 3) revising the first draft and then writing the second draft, 4) evaluating the second draft, 5) writing the third draft, 6) reevaluating the second draft and 7) writing the final draft. The translation procedures can be seen in the diagram below.

Translation Procedures

Translation evaluation was done by two people. The ST evaluation was done by an expert and a native speaker of Mandailingnese and the TT evaluation was done by an expert and a native speaker of English.

4. The Process of Translating TM and the Problems Encountered

The TM which consists of 22 paragraphs and 37 verses has been translated by the writer himself and the following is the description how the translation was done and what techniques had been used to solve the problems in order to achieve an accurate, readable and acceptable translation. Unfortunately due the limited space, the complete translation can not be included in this paper.

4.1 Problems Caused by Cultural Differences

The translation problems caused by the differences of SL and TL cultures have been distinguished into two, i.e. 1) untranslatable cultural terms and 2) literally translatable but culturally untranslatable. The terms dalian na tolu, kahanggi, anak boru, mora, harajaon, raja panusunan, uluan, and pantar paradaton are some of the terms used in the text which do not have equivalents in English and thus they are untranslatable. Let us see how they were left untranslated and their meanings must be explained.

Parjolo (first ) au (I) marsantabi (apologize) tu (to) barisan (row) ni (of) dalian na tolu, kahanggi, anak boru, mora songon i (as well as) tu (to) barisan (row) ni (of) harajaon, sumurung lobi (especially) tu (to) raja panusunan na (who) juguk (sit) di (on) uluan ni (of) pantar paradaton on (this).

Translation:

First of all I would like to apologize to dalihan na tolu, kahanggi, anak boru, mora as well as harajaon particularly to raja panusunan who are all now sitting on the uluan of this pantar paradaton. These cultural terms are untranslatable since equivalents of those words are not found in English. The term kahanggi refers to a group of people originating from the same ancestor.

Literally kahanggi means ‘brothers’. Anak boru refers to one or a group of people who has got a wife from the kahanggi and mora refers to one or a group of people from whom kahanggi has got a wife (wives).

The three sides form a social relation called dalihan na tolu. Dalihan na tolu is a metaphor which literally means ‘fireplace made of three stones that supports a cooking pot’. Raja panusunan, means the first person (king) who established the village, uluan is part of the floor away from the entrance door of the traditional house which is regarded as a respected place, and pantar paradaton is a wide floor of the traditional house on which the event is held. Salleh (2006) when translating Hikayat Hang Tuah, a Malay classic text left some cultural terms untranslated like keris, raja, makan sirih. According to him they can be translated literally into dagger, king, and eating betel respectively but the cultural meanings contained in the words can not be translated. Teylanyo (2007: 30) also suggests that such terms should not be translated.

Some terms could be easily translated because the equivalents of the words are available in the TL but only the literal meaning that could be transferred while the cultural meanings could not be transferred. The word amang, inang and morsamtabli correspond to father, mother and to apologize in English. However amang and inang here do not refer to one’s father and one’s mother but to one’s son and daughter. English speakers do not call their son and daughter father and mother but in Mandailingnese kinship system one’s son is equal to his/her father and one’s daughter is equal to his/her mother. Thus one may call his/her grandfather (elder) brother and his/her grandmother (elder) sister (Nasution, 2005). Let us see how the two words are used in the two verses below.

Dijujar horambir poso

Mangihut saludang na tobang

Tinggalkon ma amang adat na poso

Madung sandang adat matobang

A young coconut falls down

An old stem is brought down

mang! Now leave a youth’s customs

On your shoulder now you are carrying a married man’s customs

Tal duskom ma giring-giring

Laho mamasukkon golang-golang

Tinggalkon ma inang adat ma bujing

Madung jujung adat matobang

Take off your jingling bracelets

When putting on your gold bracelets

Inang ! leave now the youth’s habits

On your head are now a married woman’s habits

The word marsantabi is equal to apologize but it is placed in the beginning of the speech before mistakes or errors in the speech are made. Again this is very culture–bound. In a Mandailingnese formal speech it is customary to apologize before saying something. This is contrary to English speakers’ habit who apologize for having done something wrong as seen in the first example above.

4.2 Problems Caused by Linguistic Differences

Since Mandailingnese and English belong to two unrelated languages, as a translator I expected that there must be many linguistic differences between the two languages and evidently five translation problems were found while translating the ST into the TT.

1) Since the SL and the TL differ in the structure of noun phrase, compound noun and sentence, it causes translation problems. In the SL, the modifier occurs after the head in both noun phrase and compound noun as in aek na lan as a noun phrase and dalihan na tolu as a compound noun which literally means ‘clear water’ and ‘the three stones’ respectively. In aek na lan aek ‘water’ is the head while na lan ‘clear’ is the modifier (in the SL an adjective is usually preceded by the particle na ‘which’). In dalihan na tolu again dalihan ‘fire place’ is the head while na tolu ‘three’ is the modifier. In the SL, typically, the subject occurs after the verb when the verb is intransitive as in Sayur badan do hot tondi literally ‘body and soul get older’ or in martamba denggan paruntungan literally ‘fortune gets better’ where badan do hot tondi and paruntungan are subject while sayur and martamba denggan are verbs. When the verb is transitive, the sentence pattern is verb–object –subject as in Pamilas aek inang where pamilas ‘boil’ is a transitive verb, aek ‘water’ is the object of the verb and inang ‘mother’ is the subject. In English the typical pattern of sentence is S–V–O as in mother boils water.

2) The subject of sentences, number and conjunctions are sometimes not expressed explicitly in the ST while in the TL they are always shown explicitly. In sada panginuman sada perbasuan which literally means ‘one place for a drink and one place for washing hand’ there is no conjunction between the two phrases. Similarly there is no conjunction in tubuan anak nian tubuan boru which literally means ‘get sons and get daughters’ but in TT they are 7usually shown explicitly as in ‘a glass and a bowl’ and ‘baby-boys and baby-girls be born’ respectively.

In harani rumbuk hita satahi ‘because we are intimate, we are in agreement’ the subject of the first sentence does not appear. When the subject (hita) appears it will become harani hita rumbuk, hita satahi. So in the translation the subject has been added as in since we are intimatewe are always in harmony. In muda marjagal bahat mandapot untung which literally means ‘when selling get much profit’ there is no explicit subject but it is understood from the context that the subject must be the addressees, that is ho ‘you’ or hamu ‘you–all’ because the addressees are both the bride and the groom. In the translation the subject had been added as in when selling things you may make much gain.

3). A phrase in the ST may correspond to a clause in the TL and one word category in the ST may shift to a different word category in the ST. Di hanaek ni mata ni ari ‘at sunrise’ is a phrase but it needs to be translated into a clause in order to make it longer so that it matches the next sentence because it is part of a verse as in while the sun is beginning to rise, it is the time for luck and nobility to rise. The word lungun-lungunan ‘lonely’ is an adjective but it shifts to a noun (loneliness) in order to help make a good rhyme as in Yearning for his experiences in the past May his loneliness be released.

4). English has tense while Mandailingnese does not. This may cause translation problems especially when the translator does not pay much attention to non-linguistic context in which an utterance of the ST is used. Let us see the example below.

Ari (day) on (this) ari (day) na (particle) denggan (good) ari (day) na (particle) uli (beautiful), ari (day) na (particle) tupa (right) ari (day) na (particle) niligi (see) ni (of) bayo datu (headman) di (at) hanaek (rise) ni (of) mata ni ari (sun), diupa (advised) tondi (spirit) badan (body) muyu (your) anso (so that) manaek (climb) tua (luch) hamamora (nobility) ,

In this sentence there is no a word that is referring so the time explicitly in which the action is done except the adverbial phrase ari on ‘this day’. But since the mangupa ceremony is habitually performed while the sun is rising (at about 9 to 11 am) so in the translation the progressive tense, simple present tense and future tense were used as seen below.

It is a good day, a lovely day, the right day, the day which has been examined by the bayo datu (headman), When the sun is rising, your spirit and body diupa (being advised) so that your luck and nobility will rise.

5). Mangupa text is a classic text so that many old words or even archaic words are still used. Younger people normally do not understand most of the archaic words while older people are no longer available and there is no a dictionary of archaic words. Since their meanings are unknown many archaic words were left untranslated especially in the translation of the verses. However, when translating verses the translator is allowed to replace the archaic words with new words as long as the basic meaning of the verse can be conveyed. (Newmark, 1988, Salleh, 2006. Chan, 2003). So some archaic words had been replaced and some had been left untranslated. Some of the archaic words used in the MT are omas si gumorsing, rambe-rambe lai-lai, sangap, si maradang tua, juhut gana-ganaan, tulan rincan , longa tinungtung, sinta-sinta, andalado, pulik.

4.3 Translating Poetry

Known as pantun in Indonesian literature, this traditional poetric form consists of two couplets; the first suggests the second by sound or other similarity (Echols and Shadily, 1989: 409). Pantun is very popular in Indonesia because of the beauty of its language. It is a means of expressing feelings through a special form of language which has musical rhythm (Chan, 2003: 1). Poetry does not only have semantic function and aesthetic form but is also used as a means of arousing feeling and produce emotional effect (Connolly, 1998: 176).

Translating a poetic text is more difficult than translating a prose text because the translator’s task is not only to convey the meaning but also to achieve rhyming form. And although much poetic nuance can not be transferred, and the forms of the poem can be restructured, the translated poem may be better than the original (Dastjerdi, 2004).

The following is the account of translating the 37 poems in the TM. A number of techniques were applied to translate the poems. Some poems could be translated literally without difficulties but in translating the other poems certain techniques of translation were applied. The adverbial phrase di hanaek ni mata ni ari, was translated into when the sun is beginning to rise which is a clause. The reasons are it sounds better than at sun rise and also to make it match in length with the next line (It is the time for luck and nobility to rise). So transposition technique had been applied. In harani rumbuk, hita satahi there is no subject in the first clause. If there is a subject it would be harani hita rumbuk, hita satahi. In the translation the subject had been added (since we are intimate, we are always in harmony) because a sentence without a subject is not common in English. Thus the technique of addition had been applied.

The imperative sentence ulang sirang literally can be translated into Don’t get divorced but it was translated generically into Avoid argument so that a good rhyme could be achieved with the previous sentence which sounds Don’t hesitate to make agreement. So the technique of generalization had been 9adopted. When tumbuk dapot na ni roha in the last line is translated literally it will become so that what is in heart can be achieved but the literal translation was not done; if it was done so, the translation will not match in rhyme with the second line (May your destiny become better). So using alteration technique it was translated into to achieve your aim and desire. By doing so, meaning was not distorted and a good rhyme could be achieved.

When these two lines:

 Halaklahi si suan bulu

 Dadaboru si suan pandan

are translated literally, they will become

A boy is a bamboo-grower

A girl is a pandanus-grower

Without indication of tense.

But in the translation the two lines were translated to :

 A boy will be a bamboo-grower

 A girl will be a pandanus-grower

adding will be to make them future tense. It was done in order to make the tense of the two lines explicit because the previous lines indicate a hope in the future: when the bride and groom have descendants. Thus technique of explication had been used.

Nipasae tanding duru is a passive sentence which means ‘the edge of the cultivation is cleared’. The line was changed into imperative and simultaneously edge was changed to shrub so that it became clear up the shrub from the cultivation. The second line anso santak nida tu ipar which literally means ‘so that the distance can be seen’ had been translated into so that the view is clear.

Thus at the same time the technique of transposition, alteration and modulation had been applied in order to achieve good rhyme.

When gogo hamu sumbayang is translated literally it becomes diligently you pray but it was translated into may you perform the daily five prayers in order to achieve good rhyme with the following lines (may you become a hajj fulfilling one of the Moslem’s pillars) although a hajj is actually not the equivalent of rukun na lima in the previous line. Rukun na lima is equal to the fifth pillar (of Moslem). But it was not done so because the fifth pillar is too generic and the English readers may not be familiar with the term. Thus by applying technique of concretization (Moentaha, 2006 : 62) it was then translated into become a hajj, the term which is more specific and popular even for non–Moslem readers.

When bariba tor bariba rura of the first line is translated literally it becomes across the mountain, across the river but it had been translated into the rivers flow through the valley changing the whole sentence to a totally new sentence in order to achieve a good rhyme with the next line (they gather at the estuary). The technique of changing the whole form, (transcreation) according to Chan (2003: 15) may be used in translating verses in order to achieve good rhyme as long as the important message/meaning of the verse is not distorted.

Conclusions

It is now evident that in translating a culture text a translator will not only be faced with linguistic problems but also cultural problems as what the translator experienced when translating the cultural text from Mandailing. The problems range from simple linguistic and cultural problems to complicated ones such as adding a new element to the TT and replacing the whole form with a new form to make the translation sound better and more readable.

Five linguistic problems were encountered when translating the prose text, that is 1) the problem of translating noun phrases, compound nouns and sentences, 2) the problems of translating subjects of sentences, number and conjunctions, 3) the problem of translating phrases and words (shifts may occur), 4) the problem of translating a linguistic form without tense to a linguistic form with tense, and 5) the problem of understanding the meaning of archaic words in a situation where there were no dictionaries and also no informants who know the meanings of the words.

In translating the verses a number of translation techniques have been applied. The techniques applied were addition, generalization, alteration, explication, transposition, modulation, concretization, and transcreation. The various techniques were used because of the nature of the text being translated, that is, a poetic text.

References

Chan, Sheung Wai (Sherry). (2003). Some crucial issues on the translation of poetic discourse from Chinese to English. In Gema Online Journal of Languge Studies, Vol.3 (2), pp.1-23.

Connolly, David. (1998). Poetry translation. In Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. Mona Baker and Kirsten Malmkjaer, eds. London: Routledge.

Crystal, David. (2001). English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dastjerdi, Hossein Vahid. (2004). Translation of poetry: Sa’di’s Oneness of Mankind Revisited’. In Literary Translation, Vol. 8, No.4.

Echols, John M. and Hassan Shadily. (1989). An Indonesian-English Dictionary. Jakarta: Gramedia.

Hartmann, R.R.K & F.C. Stork. (1972). Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. London: Applied Science Publishers.

Kramsch, Claire. (1998). Language and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Larson, M.L. (1984). Meaning-Based Translation: A Guide to Cross Language Equivalence. London: University Press of America

Moentaha, Salihen. (2006). Bahasa dan Terjemahan: Language and Translation the New Millennium Publication. Jakarta: Kesasint Blanc.

Nasution, Pandapotan. (2005). Adat Budaya Mandailing dalam Tantangan Zaman. Medan: Forkala.

Newmark, Peter. (1988). A Textbook of Translation. New York: Prentice Hall.

Salleh, Muhammad. (2006). A Malay knight speaks the whiteman’s tongue: notes on translating the Hikayat Hangtuah. In Indonesia and the Malay World, Vol. 34, No. 100 November 2006, pp. 395 – 405.

Teilanjo, Diri I. (2007). “Culture in Translation: The Example of J.P. Clark’s in The Ozidi Saga, Babel, 53:1 (2007) 1-21.

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Clan issues

"'MARGA' ISSUES IN MANDAILING SOCIETY" 

By: Edi Nasution 

WHY to be a problem of the existence of our thinking "marga" (clan) in Mandailaing society? It happens because there are enough people who do not write Mandailaing "surname" individual behind the name. What is the reason? Indeed, the reason it is as yet unclear, sahinggo finally I (the author) asked one friend (the Mandailing but live in neighboring countries, and he was one who did not write "surname" behind his name. In this case, he did not give an adequate explanation about it. it only gives information on the country that is more than half the people who live in the country Mandailaing not make "surnames" (like Nasution, Lubis, Rangkuti, Parinduri, Daulae, Batubara, and so on) behind their name. this is more or less the same tendency in Indonesia. thereby, of course we should be asking myself (and thinking): why? 

Had previously verbally explained that, if a man marry (called "marbagas" or "maringanan") in Mandailing will be given by the-relative certain degree, the so-called "goar harajaon" or "goar matobang" from "name of the grandfather" (called "ompung") of our own, but the name of our grandfather was none of his clan, which was the name ("goar harajaon") that must be worn as the official name after she marries implementation a traditional wedding ceremony. titles given name was usually specific to each clan, for example, are like "Jasinaloan", "Jagunung", "Japarlaungan", "Japarlagutan", and so on to be worn until the end of his life. however, it often happens that the name given to the traditional wedding ceremony was not formally used are like in the implementation of traditional ceremonies or rites (diseut "orja", which is called joy "siriaon", while the nature of grief called "siluluton"). Things like this do not seem to be an important issue for people Mandailaing, so ttidak ever have problems with such events (men who have customarily married but after marriage she was not wearing a "goar harajaoon" or "goar matobang"). 

But when viewed from the other side, for example, that there are thoughts (ideas) with respect to the other, such as the emergence of a strong suspicion in our minds that that buduya clan was actually characterized not indigenous or native culture Mandailaing people. Having done a traditional wedding ceremony, rarely "goar harajaon" was used so for example, when formally ceremonial or rites performed in Mandailing. Many examples, such as peer colleagues to do so, including compatriot brothers were educated and people pretty much know the customs of society Mandailing. Apparently they use constantly is "goar ni daganak" (the name of the new children are born), even though they would have received "goar harajaon" in a traditional wedding ceremony. 

If observations from one side, there is likely clan in Mandailing it's actually not indigenous or "native culture" Mandailaing people, because clan this seems unlikely harmony or harmonious with the cultural elements of other Mandailaing in totality, where the custom as a culture systems are generally not separated from each other (integrated). For example, let's take a look at the customs or culture related Mandailing eye system mengerjkan attau manage rice crop in the fields that they are no custom called "marsialap ari" (alternately working the fields others are joined together). In the tradition of "marsialap ari" can actually be carried out not as the determining factor is the "clan", but because they reside in the same settlements as "banjar" (in Mandailing there are 4 settlements began the smallest is the "banjar", greater than the "banjar" is "pagaran", bigger than "pagaran" is "lumban", and the last is the biggest "huta" or "banua"). Residents who live in the "banjar" it "markoum-koum" (the existence of kinship because of marital relationships) and many clans are different in the settlement ("banjo") they were, not only inhabited by the "clan" only, but many clans in Mandailing Tradition "marsialap ari" can not be done if only by a group of people who "samarga" (the offspring) are in a place of settlement, because if the work is done by people who "samarga" course called "sabagas", "saompung", and the "sakahanggi" ("sisokot"). Precisely, because kinship by marital relationship that (not blood relations "samarga") which became the basis of the implementation of culture "marsialap ari", so the tradition of "marsialap ari" was done is because they are one the settlement ("sabanjar ') that" markoum-koum ", not because they are "marsisolkot" (the offspring). 

So also in the case of "margondang" or even "manotor" there is no clear relation to the clan. It seems clear that based on the names of the repertoire (music composition) of "tortor", "gondang", and "gordang". For example, "tortor naposo nauli bulung", "tortor namorapule", "tortor namora-mora", "tortor anak boru", "tortor suhut", and so it seems more closely related to social status (kinship system, not a clan). The proof there is no "tortor nasution". "tortor Lubis", "tortor matondang", and the like. Although some say that the clan is crucial as "identity", but instead of the most proven evidence, namely "saro" (language), "language indicating the nation" where it is clear that language as a tribal identity, not a clan. While the music cultures are like "gordang sambilan" can indeed be used as "identity when necessary. Related another thing, as Huta Godang as a place of settlement in Mandailaing Julu make "fruit" as their identity is "kantang tanagodang "(potatoes), and Maga which is also a residential place in Mandailaing Julu with "unte manis" (sweet orange"). Back to the problem of art-culture, at least "panjeir" (singer jeir) often mentions her children woman Lubis clan being "manortor". The example was his "manis-manis" (sweet), or girls Nasution clan being "manortor" was also pretty ones. Such a phrase contained in the lyrics of his song. So, which is why it can be said that the clan was not the "original culture" Mandailaing people, even clan that has existed for hundreds of years to exist in Mandailing. 

Start author of school graduated from childhood to senior secondary (SMA 108) living in Kotanopan (Mandailaing Julu). After graduating high school 108 Kotanopan, because the community in Medan has been studied at the Faculty of Letters, University of Sumatera Utara (USU), especially in ethnomusicology courses, and after mating with a woman bleed Java (East), then society in Jakarta with many people Mandailaing. Actually, quite a lot of work that is closely related to the well in the village of indigenous Mandailaing halamann, in Medan and Jakarta. But not entirely be done properly because there is often a "problem" with the issue of "clan" in a society that Mandailaing in three places, so often told friends in Mandailaing language: "Angkentong ... patunda Alak na ni sian ahaan dei ..., kasidunggan nga tarpature be denggan karejontaon! Approximately like that's what happened, which is closely associated with problem-problems of clan. From it all again I say that the clan was not the original culture Mandailaing people. Precisely klau viewed from one side, clan that is one of the factors that hinder the progress of society itself Mandailaing, thus it true? That is why it is very necessary for us to discuss together! 

So if the clan was not the original culture Mandailaing people, why clan already exists in Mandailaing until several generations (berratus-hundred years) ? Hall was probably due to several things happen. First, customs or culture clan that brought people to Mandailaing, but not known for certain who the person who took it. Tradition clan was likely origin of the tribe or foreign nation. So the clan when it might be something like "the longer trend models". Because there are other tribes who have been clans, which is pretty great anyway they see people who have a clan it, so that they (the Mandailaing) would want to have a clan also make it look "similar" with other tribes who have been clan. When in fact if they are observant enough, the actual clan was not suitable (not in harmony) with the correct customs or culture of their existing first (custom nature as a system that has been integrated as a whole). However, because they had looked tribes Together with clan was "terrific" once, so they were eager to have a clan. Second, the clan in Mandailaing it more or less like any "coercion" of a group of immigrants. Culture clan is applied on the grounds it would be easier to regulate and foster the Mandailaing after got clan. Because on the basis of their knowledge, if the clan has been applied to the Mandailaing, then it must be easier to regulate and direct the people Mandailaing because it is rather "stubborn". Such knowledge of the immigrants, if the clan has been applied to the Mandailaing community, they confidence, will be much easier to organize and promote the Mandailaing. Fact, they may not actually have a lot of knowledge about the culture of clan, whether the clan that harmoniously (harmonious) correctly with the cultural elements Mandailaing or just the opposite, they actually do not know exactly! How it, they themselves were actually learning new customs (culture) in his own country, and also learn a new culture of other tribes. Clearly, they might actually not understand well the "ins and outs" of indigenous or tribal cultures they visit it, including tribal Mandailaing. Third, there may be a form of "engineered" to particular interests, we do not know. And probably many more other interests, but now can not be described. If there is a chance later looser, maybe we can connect an explanation on this issue. So it must be stressed once again, that the clan was not the original culture Mandailaing people, because no appropriate (not in harmony) with elements of other Mandailaing culture, which, as we know that it tends to customs or culture is a unified whole and integrated total. 

It is certain there are people (Mandailaing) who does not agree with the author in connection with the problem of clan of this, all the more so because of the existence of clan has lived for hundreds of years in Mandailing. So perhaps there who think: "Ah, mana mungkin itu, karena ‘marga’ itu sudah menjadi identitas yang sudah ratusan tahun lamanya bagi orang Mandailing !!!"  Indeed, but as already explained that the issue of culture clan is not appropriate (not in harmony) with elements of other Mandailaing culture, and there is a possibility (the downside) that the existence of clan itself to be one of the factors inhibiting the progress of society Mandailaing itself. Due to the nature of the clan was personal (individual). But otherwise when the customary "Dalian Na Tolu" ("markoum-sisolkot"), such as Mora, Kahanggi, and Anak Boru, the functional nature. That is, if the man has a position and function as Mora, Kahanggi, and Anak Boru must automatically. both in ordinary life and in day-to-day implementation of traditional ceremonies and rites ("orja") berifat "siriaon" or even "siluluton", he (the man) has had duties and responsibilities in life community ("markoum-sisolkot"). Because in essence, though not optimal very low) the ability of a person in the tradition of "markoum-sisolkot", but he still has a role and function of the socio-cultural life in order as Mora, Kahannggi, and Anak Boru. Whereas the clan more supporters are personal and only consists of a kinship system, namely "kahanggi" or "sisokot", which is not so great influence in the customary "markoum-sisolkot." On the other hand, social status (Dalian Na Tolu) was supported by three groups of kinship (Mora, Kahanggi, and Anak Boru), where each person Mandailaing equally as well have the position and function of all three (Mora, Kahanggi, and Anak Boru) in the context of traditional ceremonies ("orja") which held by "suhut "(executive orja) are different though. But clearly, everyone Mandailaing in social life ("markoum-sisolkot"), because they adhere to the social system of Dalian Na Tolu, certainly serves as Mora, Kahanggi, and Anak Boru (all three). 

When term of layered-lapisnya culture /civilization that once existed in Mandailaing, like in the stone age inhabitants is Leso, Langkeso, etc., until the existence of Alak Siladang in Mandailaing Godang (Panyabungan) and alak Ulu in Mandailaing Julu (Muara Sipongi) is quite clear there is no clan when it was, but after the arrival of Alak Koling (Tamil Nation of South India) which many build their worship centers (Hindu-Buddhist) is "Mandala Holing" and the influence of Islam so that they are the majority ultimately even become devout followers, while in the lives of people (occupants) previously was with the belief system that anamisme-dynamism "Sipelebegu", the worship of various kinds that they view as sacred as "Begu" (ancestral spirits), tor (hill small), batang aek (river), guo-guo (caves), and so on, which at that time also there is no clan, that there is a variety of custom traditional. Culture related to "old religion" (Sipelebegu) as Etek, Gondang Boru, Tortor, Gondang Dua, Gordang Sambilan, Gordang Lima, and so on as an important part daro rites (rituals), which was still in existence until now, which may be supported by the existence of a" the new concept of too ie "ombar do adat dohot ibadat". 

Thus, there was a time it was customary or cultural change, even some that are already "dead", as the music culture "tulia" played in the tradition dating young Mandailaing formerly the "markusip" (see Edi Nasution, Tulila: Muzik Bujukan Mandailing, Penang-Malayasiia: Areca Books, 2007). That happens because as the owner of the indigenous peoples (cultures) it also has changed, with the understanding that the essence of the culture was actually "change" itself because it is definitely going to happen. 

In please do not let anyone misunderstand, that possibility once "clan" it is a culture that is very suitable and also very useful for other tribes, but according to the results of observations (including empirical experience), clan is not suitable for ethnic groups Mandailaing as clan was not harmonious (integrated) with the elements of their kebudadayan others, such as oriented to the ideals of "progress together" (public interest). Once again dihaharap we do not misunderstand the issue of clan, because all the thoughts that had been poured just limited to this "discussion" that I think are quite interesting. 

One alternative solution to the problem of clan "in Mandailaing probably a (man) can continue to use the name" clan "in back his name until he was legally obtained "goar harajaon"("goar matobang") after mating ("marbagas"), and after "marbagas" so that he should still be (mandatory) wearing "goar harajaon" instead of "goar ni daganak" (behalf of the children). Together with the "clan", or there is another better solution? 

~o0o~