Mandailing Culture (10)

MANDAILING CULTURE: A BRIEF VERVIEW

By Edi Nasution

(d). literature

>>>‘Ende – ende’

‘Ende–ende’ or called often called ‘pantun’ is a long literature Mandailing shaped ‘poem’ which generally rhyme "aa - aa" or "ab - ab". The first and second rows of ‘ende-ende’ is ‘sampiran’, which is often associated with nature characteristic agrarian culture Mandailing population), and usually has no direct relationship with third and fourth row as its contents. But in addition , there are also ‘ende-ende’ that do not rhyme "aa - aa" or "ab – ab”, but each line of ‘perceived’ still has a close relation to each other, like ‘ende-ende’ following :

ancit ni na mandurung

jolo sitanggis podom-podom

ancit ni na malungun

jolo tangis anso modom

balik-balik angin

na ibalikkon ni alogo

anggo roamu do baya namarbalik

tu ise ho mardabu onco

tor dolok martimbang

itoru nai dalan Sibolga

nangkon jaru marsipangkulingan

asal ulang morot sian roha

Abit culuk bonang marikin

Undung-undung lao mamolus

Mangido moop ale mangido isin

Ampot adong obar na lupus

In the presentation, ‘ende–ende’ or ‘pantun’ representation showing the structure, function, and cultural values ​​which are still valid and upheld by society Mandailing until now.

>>>‘Turi – turian’

‘Turi–turian’ is Mandailing the literature in the past broadcast of the mouth (oral tradition). ’Turi–turian’ an action (tradition) tells a very structured and storytelling activities (called ‘marturi’) can take place in the royal elite, for example when they met in council to decide policy and political culture in Sopo Godang (indigenous convention). ‘Turi-turian’ one is quite phenomenal and is widely known by the public Mandailing is Turi-turian Ni Radja Radja Gorga Di Langit Dohot Sutan Soeasa Di Portibi authored by Mangaradja Goenoeng Sorik Marapi is Radja Panoesoenan Boeloeng in Maga (1957). ‘Turi-turian’ other, among others: Nan Sondang Milong- ilong, and Sitapi Letter Tagan.

>>>'Markobar' or 'Marhata-hata'

One custom Mandailing is ‘markobar’, which also called ‘marhata-hata’ is a tradition of ‘customary speech’ in every organization of cultural activities in Mandailing, Some recent decades, the tradition of ‘markobar’ linguistic phenomenon which has become symptomatic, which is not only happening in big cities but also in Mandailing ancestral land because the more experienced abrasion ‘markobar’ skills. Let alone to ‘markobar’ ceremonial like  ‘manyapai Boru’, ‘pasahat utang boban’, ‘mandokon ulang agoan’ (‘hata bou’), and others. Even for a simple custom activities for example like to thank, ‘manyurdu burangir’, was invited to eat now require the services of a ‘parkobar’. As a result, ‘parkobar’ becoming increasingly scarce, Mandailing which most people, especially those living in big cities are not pleasing or not able to carry out all customs duties ("inda tarjuguki jugukan ni ibana"). Such situation causes many ‘parkobar carteran’ in a custom implementation Mandailing in big cities.

The emergence of ‘parkobar bayaran’ very violated customary Mandailing . In this case, there is a Mandailing proverb that says: "Ulang isuan bulu na so marruas". That is, for every person Mandailing it out yourself, knowing the position and the position of each in customs, and knows the ethics in public life. Admitted he ‘suhut’ , ‘anak boru’, ‘mora’ , or even ‘kahanggi’, but it's not. Obviously it violated the customs and ethics. Moreover, claiming to be ‘Raja’, but no ‘longit’ buffalo were slaughtered when he was married.

Despite this situation, people generally still looking activity ‘markobar’ in Mandailing markobar is very important because they are still considered sacred, traditif, ataraktif, and artistic. ‘Markobar’ activity is regarded as something sacred due mostly for families thoughts conveyed in the event ‘markobar’ are things that uphold goodness and avoid bad deeds (commanding the god ‘nahimunkar’) . On the other hand, markobar activity also aims to give advice (‘marsipaingot’) . Tradition ‘marsipaingot’ is always presented to the newlyweds (‘namorapule’) in a traditional wedding ceremony (‘marbagas’ or ‘maringanan’).

Figure. Markobar or Marhata-hata.

In this case, ‘markobar’ regarded as a tradition because it has become a convention for people Mandailing, both who live at home and are settled in the colony. Of course it would be very awkward once when in a traditional wedding ceremony is not implemented eg markobar activities.

‘Markobar’ regarded as ataraktif activities because in practice the ‘parkobar’ (also called ‘parhata-hata’) is also acting as a ‘negotiator’ who can influence the decision to be taken. ‘Parkobar’ expertise in utilizing dazzling words in this markobar can expedite and smooth affair, as Mandailing proverb says: "hata-hata do dupang-dupang, hata-hata do panggarar utang", meaning that those words could be paying a debt.

And ‘markobar’ regarded as an artistic activity in the procession because it uses artistic language function, which is deliberately using a distinctive style, word choice, and intontasi appropriate.

(e). Sculpture and Carving

During the Mandailing ancient belief system adhered to the old (‘pelebegu’), ‘huta’ (‘banua’) residents has a tradition for creating a wide variety of statues made ​​of wood or stone.

In the area of ​​the ancient cemetery called ‘lobu’ or ‘huta lobu’ can be found a stone statue called ‘tagor’. According to old belief, the ‘tagor’ can provide a sign with a roar when something important happens in the royal family, for example if there is a king who will be death. In addition, in the four corners of ‘huta’ (‘banua’) are usually ancient statues named ‘pangulu palang’, who in the past believed to maintain the territorial integrity ‘huta’ and will give a sign if there is anything that would interfere huta community.

Figure. Sangkalon.

In addition, there is also a statue called ‘sangkalon’. The statue was used as a symbol of law and justice, called “sangkalon sipangan anak sipangan boru”. It means “eater statue boy eater girls". Wood or stone sculpture (‘sangkalon’) is placed in front of the door Sopo Godang (indigenous convention) and Bagas Godang (King's Palace) adjacent. The words “sangkalon sipangan anak sipangan boru” more or less means a fair application of the law against any person , even the children themselves. [EN]

Book Reviews

Tulila: Muzik Bujukan Mandailing by Edi Nasution (review)

Lawrence Ross

From: Asian Music 

Volume 45, Number 1, Winter/Spring 2014 

pp. 132-135 | 10.1353/amu.2013.0022
by The University of Texas Press

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

Tulila: Muzik Bujukan Mandailing ('Tulila: Mandailing seduction music') is Edi Nasution’s Indonesian-language study of markusip, a disappearing, late-night, rural courtship tradition among West Sumatra’s Mandailing. In markusip, a love-struck pemuda (young man) braves nocturnal risks of the jungle to sneak up to a young woman’s dormitory (bagas podoman), where he leans his shoulder against its thin outer wall, and tries to rouse an anak gadis (young woman) from sleep with faint melodies played on a slender, fourhole, bamboo, reed instrument called tulila, sung quatrains of ende-ende, and prods from a palm-leaf stem through a small hole in the wall called a lubang markusip. His hope is that the anak gadis will awaken and engage him in whispered conversation, the very meaning of markusip.

Readers of Indonesian will welcome this contribution by an indigenous author to the small but growing body of ethnomusicological literature on Southeast Asia’s lesser-known musical practices. Tulila’s scope is broader than its title suggests. Its five chapters unite tulila performance with various facets of aposoan (the idealized life of Mandailing youths in their premarriage years), broader markusip courtship traditions, and post-courtship engagement rituals (patobang hata). Nasution is a Mandailing ethnomusicologist, native to the region, and an insider to the society he describes, though we do not learn much about his personal connection to markusip or the communities in which this study is based. Mandailing lands are comprised of two regions, and their political subdivisions, called huta, are linked by the northward-flowing Batang Gadis River. They have traditionally been dominated by two principal marga (“clans”): the Lubis marga of the mountainous, upper Mandailing Julu to the south, and the Nasution marga of the swampy lowlands and foothills of lower Mandailing Godang to the north. Nasution’s fieldwork took place in the former, his native Julu, as it was the only area where he encountered extant tulila activity. His methodologies include interviewing numbers of Mandailing (including tulila players, community leaders, cultural guardians, and young people), learning how to construct and play tulila, transcribing and analyzing his field recordings, and writing ethnographic descriptions that are rich and replete with local terms and concepts, and which comprise a significant portion of this book.

Chapter 2 introduces Mandailing history, territory and culture, touching upon its origin myths, premodern alphabet and texts, surviving antiquities, legends, traditional rulers, and clan system, as well as its performance genres, instruments, ensembles, songs, and dances: much of what constitutes a Mandailing identity. A central undertaking of this book, advanced in this chapter and later in chapter 5, is to correlate tulila to dalian na tolu, a canon of Mandailing concepts and practices governing kinship relations, gender roles, and social stratification—glossed in Indonesian as 'tumpuan yang tiga', or “three pillars”. According to Nasution, the “pillars” symbolize roles performed by three clan-based groups who interact in a traditional wedding engagement, and meanings they embody. He uses a triangular paradigm to illustrate their relationships; clockwise from the vertex are themora who “give away” the young woman, the anak boru who “receive” her, and the kahanggi who deal with the arrangements.

Chapter 3 covers a diverse range of topics, and contains an abundance of ethnographic information, though its organization is not particularly coherent. It begins with a rich description of a markusip outing and texts showing how pemuda and anak gadis interact through ende-ende. This is followed by a hodgepodge of explorations oftulila: what it expresses and communicates, how it entertains, its relationships to Mandailing language, poetry, traditions, symbols, and beliefs, and comparisons between markusip in different historical eras. In a section ontulila and si pelebegu, Nasution shows how a pre-Islamic belief system that still guides Muslim Mandailing society informs tulila construction and playing techniques. Through si pelebegu, the pemuda imbues his instrument with love magic in order to stir sadness in the anak gadis when she hears it played, and capture her heart. We learn that this enchanting quality is obtained by harvesting the bamboo when “sorrowful” sounds fill the air—such as the shrieks of a soaring eagle or the mournful cries of a grieving family—or by...

source: 

http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/asian_music/v045/45.1.ross.pdf

http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/asian_music/toc/amu.45.1.html