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Selasa, 01 Juli 2014

Sibaroar


SIBAROAR, 
ANCESTOR OF NASUTION CLAN



Once upon a time, there was a king in Huta Bargot (Mandailing) named Sutan Pulunagan. One day he went hunting, and came near the banyan tree: Hayuara Panunggu located in Muara Batang Angkola. Suddenly the dog barking, Sutan Pulungan thought a deer was sound dog, but after being approached, apparently a younger infants (new born) lying on top of a large rock under the Banyan tree that is 'gonggongan' (disturbed by noise) of the dog. 

Sutan Pulungan then brought the baby to his house in Huta Bargot. At the same time Sultan Pulungan wife gave birth to a child boys too. The baby then deposited on a poor mother to be raised, the location of his home on the edge of Huta Bargot. The name of the mother is Sauwa, and the child finds it named Sibaro Ara (baro = toras, ayu ara = 'banyan tree'), because he was found under a 'banyan tree', but later called Sibaroar


After about 5 years old, the child was so dashing and handsome, so that there arose jealousy Sutan Pulungan wife, because the child was found by Sutan Pulungan was more handsome than his own. His wife does not want any more children dashing of his son (his son). Was no intention to kill the child. Incidentally central pillar of Bagas Godang (palace) would be replaced. There malice that was used as a sacrificial child support pole. Yet another spoke of fate, even children who got Sutan Pulungan own and be victim. Sutan Pulungan angry and ordered the commander to kill the child. Sauwa (foster mother) the boy ran into the rice fields in Huta Bargot and under his cabin, but the birds came guinea fowl perched on the roof of the old shack. So the commander lost track. Actually they are suspicious of the old shack, but because there is a bird perched on its roof 'balam' make sure they are not there people in the hut. After seeing the Hulu Sauwa Blang was gone, then took the boy to the edge of Batang Gadis (Pasar Akad, Mandailing), where the river while it was flooded, suddenly hanyutlah and menghempang large tree in front of them like a bridge, and then they also pursue (crossing). 

In subsequent trips, they until to Huta Lombang (Panyabungan-Jae). There was a king named Namora Paimahon Rangkuti. He is very suspicious of Sauwa, because they came from the direction of Huta Bargot, while Huta Lombang and Huta Bargot being hostile, so Sauwa considered spies. 


Therefore Namora Paimahon Rangkuti told them to stay in the upper Huta Lombang in a "home stay" (does anyone have) because the owner has died and has no descendants. Because of her, the house has become a hotbed babiat (tiger) are highly malignant. But the arrival of the home Sauwa turns instantly tame the tiger and licking the feet of a small child. Then they also lived in the house. When growing up he diligently meditated, thus becoming the powerful man. 

A devastated future fields because many pests, and Namora Paimahon Rangkuti hold deliberations. Sibaro Ara was coming, but because he was not allowed into her comer, so he had to sit in the front door over the 'sandals' of people who join the deliberations. In the discussion he had proposed but rejected its because she immigrants. Results meeting and discussion run, tetpi to no avail, and then a second consultation was held again, once the proposal is accepted and after Sibaro Ara run was successful. Namora Paimahon Rangkuti who feel embarrassed because as long as it is alienating the Baro fig, then go fuck off somewhere. Communities that have been left Huta Lombang king, busy-busy moving to a house near Sibaro fig, fig and raised Sibaro as their new king with the title of Sultan Di Aru Parkanasaktion and shelter Sibaro Ara called Panyabungan Tonga Tonga, which is now called Panyabungan-Tonga

Furthermore, there is a war between the Sultan Pulungan with Sutan Di Aru Parkanasaktion. Troops in the war, Sutan Di Aru Parkanasaktion almost lost. Suddenly Sutan Di Aru Parkanasaktion rise to the top of a large rock and held up his hand. Suddenly there came lightning Sutan Pulungan Sutan, so that forces Sutan Pulungan mess. 


Namora Kingdom Lubis of Singengu come to reconcile. In the peace Sibaro Ara  degree in Sutan Di Aru Parkanasaktion mated with daughters named Sutan Pulungan Namora Sitapi Paserahan. Furthermore, of the marriage turns Namora Sitapi Paserahan Boru Sutan Pulungan short-lived, leaving no descendants. Then Sutan Di Aru Parkanasaktion mating with Namora Sitapi Paserahan Rumondang daughter of Sultan Batara Guru Hasibuan (King in the Pannai Kingdom/Padanglawas when it). And from this marriage was born Mr. Natoras. This Tuan Natoras have a son Tuan Moksha, and Tuan Moksha have two son namely Baginda Tobing Na Injang and Baginda Mangaraja Enda. Furthermore, of these two scattered Nasution clans in Mandailing. (EN)

Gandoang. June 30, 2014.

~0~


Selasa, 04 Februari 2014

Ancestors of Mandailing people


"ANCESTORS OF MANDAILING PEOPLE
NOT FALL FROM THE SKY ?




Lately, history Mandailing debate among many ranging. Mandailing questionable provenance, whether he is a clump with the Batak people, or people Mandailing derived from Coastal Pelayu nation, or further away from it, namely 'India Belakang' ('Rear India' or South East Asia). Mandailing past were not found in the text (notes) history, but after the Dutch came to Mandailing during the 'Padri War'.
  

The origins of the Mandailing not from Samosir Island in Toba. This fact is based on the geographical location of the region Mandailing (called Tano Rura or Tano Sere), and the pattern of distribution of the population at the beginning of the infiltration of the Malay community in the megalithic period.

People do not like the Batak (Toba) in general that has the pedigree (called Tarombo) are clear, then the genealogy of the Mandailing should be somewhat blurred. This explains why the 'oldest clan' of 'original clan' comes from where. For example, no one knows for sure the origin of the clan Pulungan (in HutaBargot-Mandailing) where the groves of the pedigree of the Batak (Toba).

The origins of the Mandailing instead of 'land Toba' or 'Bataklanden' (called Tao Toba) is a different perspective, and the most sensible healthy. In comparison, for example, when Poland became independent from the Soviet Union, Poland made ​​national history to be taught in public schools. The goal for the Polish citizens love their own people. However, when history is rewritten with a new perspective, the historical record has changed. Of course, it makes the Russians to protest and also accused the Polish resistance deny the historical fact of the Soviet Union against Nazi Hitler (Germany).

The view that the origin of the Mandailing not from Toba land, not a historical fact deflection, as did Poland to the Soviet Union. The origins of the Mandailing people not from the land Toba have a scientific explanation is attractive for development. Why say interesting because lately many anomalies can be concluded that the origin of the plateau Mandailing instead of (ground) of Toba.

And most do not make sense to say that the origin of the Mandailing of Ompu Mulajadi  Nabolon so  coming down from the mountain top. The origins of the Mandailing definitely not like a fairy tale the Toba (Batak) as Si Boru Deak Parujar, Si Raja odap odap and other tales that make no sense. The origins of the Mandailing in history is the fact that makes sense and can no longer be deceived by the story that intentionally recorded by the Dutch colonial and missionary terms with politics and worldview of Orientalism in the first period.


Mandailing as an ethnic group (nation, before the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Indonesia),'ve got a very old civilization. The proof can be seen from the old graves in Mandailing, which is spread not far from the both Batang Gadis and Angkola rivers. Mandailing early graves are animists or dynamism before the advent of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity are included in the next Mandailing chronology.

Mandailing very first person (the ancestors) has long grave, and not infrequently a Mandailing has two graves, one for himself and the other is a treasure that is buried beside the grave. Mandailing people  pad originally had a pattern of burial (cemetery) different with burial in the Toba area. There, most people died not buried, but in semayamkan in a closed room. And it is still valid until now.

On the other hand, Tano Rura Mandailing had better soil fertility compared with Tao Toba in general, although it is not necessary to explain that the origin of the Mandailing not come from Toba. Mandailing got calls itself long before the Dutch came to Tano Rura or (Mandailing). When it is, Mandailing called Mandheiling, Mandala Holing or Mandahiling, it occurs in the Majapahit era. But is not that high culture and civilization emerged in the lowlands near rivers such as the Egyptian civilization in near sungai river, and Hindustan civilization in the Indus river.

Of course, customs or culture of the Mandailing have many differences with the Toba (Batak), which continues mengaami change (and also development) after the arrival of other nations (such as India Keling, Arabic, Chinese, and so on).

In terms of the spread of the human, the Mandailing not the same as the Toba (Batak), which at one time was not needed because of the spread of a point of land is so vast and the population is very small. Spreading clan of inland Toba occur in the next period. That is the explanation why many clans of people who have no connection with the clan in Toba, such as Siregar clan, is a clan "newcomer" in Tano Rura - Mandailing. Mandailing the geographical position of the region is fertile enough, it will not go far apart in the region steppa at Batang Gadis  and Angkola, except after the area has been explored by all the population. So, Mandailing ancestors did not come from the Tao Toba, on the contrary the Toba (Batak) derived from Tano Sere (Mandailing) is a logical conclusion. [EN]



Rabu, 08 Januari 2014

Book Reviews



Tulila: Muzik Bujukan Mandailing by Edi Nasution (review)

Volume 45, Number 1, Winter/Spring 2014 

pp. 132-135 | 10.1353/amu.2013.0022
by The University of Texas Press
In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:
Tulila: Muzik Bujukan Mandailing ('Tulila: Mandailing seduction music') is Edi Nasution’s Indonesian-language study of markusip, a disappearing, late-night, rural courtship tradition among West Sumatra’s Mandailing. In markusip, a love-struck pemuda (young man) braves nocturnal risks of the jungle to sneak up to a young woman’s dormitory (bagas podoman), where he leans his shoulder against its thin outer wall, and tries to rouse an anak gadis (young woman) from sleep with faint melodies played on a slender, fourhole, bamboo, reed instrument called tulila, sung quatrains of ende-ende, and prods from a palm-leaf stem through a small hole in the wall called a lubang markusip. His hope is that the anak gadis will awaken and engage him in whispered conversation, the very meaning of markusip.

Readers of Indonesian will welcome this contribution by an indigenous author to the small but growing body of ethnomusicological literature on Southeast Asia’s lesser-known musical practices. Tulila’s scope is broader than its title suggests. Its five chapters unite tulila performance with various facets of aposoan (the idealized life of Mandailing youths in their premarriage years), broader markusip courtship traditions, and post-courtship engagement rituals (patobang hata). Nasution is a Mandailing ethnomusicologist, native to the region, and an insider to the society he describes, though we do not learn much about his personal connection to markusip or the communities in which this study is based. Mandailing lands are comprised of two regions, and their political subdivisions, called huta, are linked by the northward-flowing Batang Gadis River. They have traditionally been dominated by two principal marga (“clans”): the Lubis marga of the mountainous, upper Mandailing Julu to the south, and the Nasution marga of the swampy lowlands and foothills of lower Mandailing Godang to the north. Nasution’s fieldwork took place in the former, his native Julu, as it was the only area where he encountered extant tulila activity. His methodologies include interviewing numbers of Mandailing (including tulila players, community leaders, cultural guardians, and young people), learning how to construct and play tulila, transcribing and analyzing his field recordings, and writing ethnographic descriptions that are rich and replete with local terms and concepts, and which comprise a significant portion of this book.

Chapter 2 introduces Mandailing history, territory and culture, touching upon its origin myths, premodern alphabet and texts, surviving antiquities, legends, traditional rulers, and clan system, as well as its performance genres, instruments, ensembles, songs, and dances: much of what constitutes a Mandailing identity. A central undertaking of this book, advanced in this chapter and later in chapter 5, is to correlate tulila to dalian na tolu, a canon of Mandailing concepts and practices governing kinship relations, gender roles, and social stratification—glossed in Indonesian as 'tumpuan yang tiga', or “three pillars”. According to Nasution, the “pillars” symbolize roles performed by three clan-based groups who interact in a traditional wedding engagement, and meanings they embody. He uses a triangular paradigm to illustrate their relationships; clockwise from the vertex are themora who “give away” the young woman, the anak boru who “receive” her, and the kahanggi who deal with the arrangements.

Chapter 3 covers a diverse range of topics, and contains an abundance of ethnographic information, though its organization is not particularly coherent. It begins with a rich description of a markusip outing and texts showing how pemuda and anak gadis interact through ende-ende. This is followed by a hodgepodge of explorations oftulila: what it expresses and communicates, how it entertains, its relationships to Mandailing language, poetry, traditions, symbols, and beliefs, and comparisons between markusip in different historical eras. In a section ontulila and si pelebegu, Nasution shows how a pre-Islamic belief system that still guides Muslim Mandailing society informs tulila construction and playing techniques. Through si pelebegu, the pemuda imbues his instrument with love magic in order to stir sadness in the anak gadis when she hears it played, and capture her heart. We learn that this enchanting quality is obtained by harvesting the bamboo when “sorrowful” sounds fill the air—such as the shrieks of a soaring eagle or the mournful cries of a grieving family—or by...


source
http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/asian_music/v045/45.1.ross.pdf

http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/asian_music/toc/amu.45.1.html


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