'TABOO' IN CONNECTION WITH
SOME
KIND OF MANDAILING
TRADITIONAL MUSIC
by Edi Nasution
PROLOGUE
In the Western world cleavage, we
are always entertained and delighted by hearing the ‘sound of music‘. Whether
it be heard over the radio or while watch a musical concert, where the 'music'
itself is usually considered solely as an art form (‘pure arts’). While in the Eastern parts of the world, just as in the Western world, music has indeed been
practiced since ancient times. In both parts of the world (Western and Eastern), the
music is associated with, or equally feel that something of the ‘power
of music’.
But in the Eastern parts of the
world, the music can appear in the routine of daily life while working in the rice acreage or in their gardens, in various forms of traditional ceremonies and rituals
such as weddings and deaths. For them (oriental), the sound of the instruments
and the human voice more than just a product of creativity of a group of
musicians alone, because (music) that very closely related premises supernatural
world such as playing a 'gordang sambilan‘ (music ensemble) when
droughts occurred in ancient Mandailing which aims to ask for help the spirits
of their ancestors to immediately lower the heavy rain from the sky, so that
local residents can work on the rice fields to grow rice as their staple food.
Farther from that, in playing some kind of 'musical instruments' or ‘singing’ in particular Mandailing very
closely related formerly taboo.
'SI (DA) LIAN' AND 'SI TA (TAR)
ING'
The 'taing' word is the name
given to the Mandailing 'girls', while the 'dalian' or more commonly
referred to by the 'lian' or 'dali' word only intended for 'boys'. From
birth to their already implanted Mandailing cultural values. Although
sometimes 'means' used by older people in applying cultural values that for 'us' (outsider) may seem a 'bit weird' (odd). Then like a boy whistling in
the house always intimidated with the threat: "ro naron ulok".
The whistle ban is emphasized to
their children, even more so for girls. Every parent will feel embarrassed if
they will be aligned girls other community members as 'anak gampang' ('bastard'), which is a
term for a child born without a valid marriage despised by the Mandailing people. May
act as a cognitive whistling is an emotional expression that leads to the
symptoms of early sexual behavior. The fact that sexual problems are very 'taboo' expressed and discussed openly in Mandailing society. Then attempt to
scare the children early are expected to eliminate or at least dampen the bad
behavior so as not to produce 'hahaila' (shame) and 'tilako' (licentious acts) or even 'bala' ('havoc') in the future.
Relevant to the phrase "dari kecil teranja-anja, besar terbawa-bawa, sudah tua terobah tidak" ('habits in childhood lasts until adulthood, can not change after old age'), of course
people do not want their offspring Mandailing familiar with behaviors
considered unethical. Including, whistling in the house essentially is an
attitude that is deemed not appreciate nor respect for the parents and siblings. Conversely, if contemplated more in mind that the ban on whistling in the
house was also to maintain and enforce its existence. As a candidate for the
next generation, then his actions in later social life must be guided by and
reflect the culture values sublime, which constantly maintain and uphold them.
For this reason, their ancestors
are fully aware of how important manners in social life, so they have
created procedures for interaction
between the members of the typical individual namely 'baso' and 'sangko', in
the hope of norms is useful to maintain socio-cultural harmony
Mandailing people in each 'huta' or 'banua'.
MUSIC, ETHICS AND SOCIAL SYSTEM
Mandailing tribal residing in the
District of Mandailing Natal (MADINA) has its own cultural value system they
usually refer to as "adat dohot ugari" (tradition and
implementation procedures). As for customs operationalize it as a stylist
activities of community life based on noble values that guided
namely "olong dohot domu" ('affection and unity'), they create a social system called 'dalian na tolu' ('tree pillars'). Social system of Mandailing people is
called 'dalian na tolu' because it has a mechanism of
social systems that devote their lives to the three functional elements,
namely three kinship groups, each of which is named 'mora' ('the giver girl'), 'kahanggi' (brother of the 'clan') and 'anak boru' ('receiving party girl).
The realization of these three
functional kinship groups because of the relationship of marriage (affinal relations) and the relationship of blood (blood ties) among Mandailing people who has a clan like: Pulungan, Lubis, Nasution, Daulae, Rangkuti, Parinduri, Matondang,
Batubara, Mardia, Lintang, and so on. They set the kinship system by grouping people who have a
common grandfather (called 'ompu parsadaan' such as Si Baroar for Nasution clan and Namora Pande Bosi to Lubis clan) and adopts patrilineal system (father's lineage). While the tradition of marriage between them (men and women) are 'exogamy clan', meaning that every person should marry with people outside his
clan and tend to take the "boru tulang" as prospective wives (unilateral cross-cousin). Initiative to propose a girl coming from the man who would apply for the girl and after the marriage the bride and groom are generally
settled in the village of the groom ('virilokal'), and this tradition as they
are called "adat manjujur".
As a system, containing 'dalian na tolu' customary paradigm balance to maintain its unity. So 'dalian na tolu' has normative foundation contained in the traditional phrase: "sangap marmora, 'elek maranakboru, manat-manat markahanggi" (honor and glorify mora, anakboru loving, and among 'kahanggi' should always be cautious), is the duty and the right of every person to live together in Mandailing. With the
tradition of 'exogamy clan' that allows the status and role of each person
Mandailing it sometimes as 'mora', 'kahanggi' or 'anak boru'. So if the kinship
system was studied in all 'huta' in Mandailing will show us that the system similar to the nets of a mesh which has narrowed and widened up and down the
length. Symbolic of this reality etched in decoration 'tutup ari' exist in 'sopo godang' (customs convention center) and 'bagas godang' (king's palace), the form of dozens of forms 'equilateral triangle' are arranged
in a neat and beautiful (called the 'bindu' or 'pusuk ni robung') with a
composition of colors: na rara (red), na bontar (white), and na lomlom (black) are very meaningful in the Mandailing community as an ethnic group in Indonesia.
All Mandailing realities and cultural activities presumably derived from and organized by the cultural value system that is closely related to 'dalian na tolu' or markoum sisolkot custom, so that any Mandailing music tradition as a sub-element of culture can not be separated from the domination of indigenous they were. So in the context of extracting traditional cultural values with respect to the musical culture of the Mandailing is also the preservation effort. Because cultural values are usually useful to give direction and orientation in the life of Mandailing people.
All Mandailing realities and cultural activities presumably derived from and organized by the cultural value system that is closely related to 'dalian na tolu' or markoum sisolkot custom, so that any Mandailing music tradition as a sub-element of culture can not be separated from the domination of indigenous they were. So in the context of extracting traditional cultural values with respect to the musical culture of the Mandailing is also the preservation effort. Because cultural values are usually useful to give direction and orientation in the life of Mandailing people.
Mandailing social life
characterized based on the courtesy (ethics) called 'baso' and 'sangko'. Each individual must respect for others in order to achieve
harmony among their lives. Two members of the public who are subject to social
norms 'baso' should be concerned and implement the norms prevailing custom.
For example, we (male ego) should not be stared at each other and talked a
long time with the wife of our brother, and speak only as needed. To reduce
the contact between 'amangboru' with 'parumaen ('daughter-son') then also created a tradition called 'manjae' or 'mangasing', where a month after the wedding the bride and groom are usually moved into their new home in 'huta' (place of settlement) the same, or it could be still close to the homes of the elderly man. In line with this, the 'babere' ('the man's son') will not want so long at the uncle's house ('tulang' or 'mora' home) that no other because of its concerns that 'baso' problems too.
2). ego (woman) against the husband of sister and brother bladder, vice versa;
3). Ego (male) to the wife of 'uncle' ( callled 'tulang' or 'mora');
4). Ego (woman) against the husband of 'namborboru' is 'amangboru';
5). Ego (men) to women who have the same clan with him called 'mariboto';
6). Ego (women) to men who have the same clan with him 'mariboto'.
A more detailed explanation can be seen in the following figure:
'Sangko' word in the context of social ethics is more or less means "the people that we must respect and appreciate". For example, we should have 'sangko' to our own the father (called 'amang'), 'amanguda' (younger 's father), 'amangtua' (brother 's father), 'ompung-ompung' or 'tobang-tobang' (the elderly) because they should be considered as our parents also, so too we must has 'sangko' to 'na mora-mora' (nobility) and 'na toras-toras' (the intellectual leaders of clan), and so on.
6). Ego (women) to men who have the same clan with him 'mariboto'.
'Sangko' word in the context of social ethics is more or less means "the people that we must respect and appreciate". For example, we should have 'sangko' to our own the father (called 'amang'), 'amanguda' (younger 's father), 'amangtua' (brother 's father), 'ompung-ompung' or 'tobang-tobang' (the elderly) because they should be considered as our parents also, so too we must has 'sangko' to 'na mora-mora' (nobility) and 'na toras-toras' (the intellectual leaders of clan), and so on.
At the beginning of this paper
has been presented that any adult or prohibited sing 'ende sitogol' and 'ende ungut ungut' on in public (in the 'huta'). Because the contents of the two types of 'ende' (songs) that generally depicts expectations or failures of romance and the
livelihood 'si parende' (singers of 'ende sitogol' or 'ende ungut-ungut') itself.
The content of the songs that sometimes contain words advances towards a
girl. Similarly, playing a wind musical instruments such as 'tulila', 'sordam', 'salung', or 'genggong' (jaw 's harp). Because in addition to the
normally used to seduce women, can also be used to remove the 'troubled-ridden' (called 'arsak ni roha') of people who play music (singing) One time he might be
afflicted with "out of love for her unrequited idol" or complain of
livelihoods that are less fortunate. Nutshell, 'vested interests' seem to
arbitrarily not be disclosed in public.
Although some instruments ('tulila', 'sordam', and 'genggong') above is often used as a tools when 'markusip' by a young man, but in 'markusip' tradition (a tradition dating between young men and girls were whispering with walled houses) that takes place at night it always starts after midnight and has its own rules of the game. In the tradition of 'markusip', hich took place in the middle of the night usually resident 'huta' had slept soundly and wind instruments ('tulila' or 'gengong') who played it has a volume of very small-roughly as 'sora ni rongit' ('mosquito sound'). And this 'markusip' activities take place in secret and should not be heralded to the public, because it is considered unethical.
A virgin who plays 'uyup-uyup bulung tarutung bolanda' at any time during the day in the 'huta', would do so if he felt confident that all the 'huta' population (adult) had to go to work the their fields or gardens each, so that no one knows his actions that, for a virgin is taboo express emotional feelings in the midst of its citizens. He would do it by himself in secret anyway.
When a young man time has come to have a household (married), then he may wish to discuss it to certain people who usually are 'amangboru'. And both parents and 'kahanggi' as well as counsel for the 'anak boru' to apply girl to the her parents and big family. Subsequent ceremonies in formally have done their customary set up to the completion of the traditional wedding ceremony.
On the other hand, the content of the text 'ende sitogol' and 'ende ungut-ungut' tend to have sad character because it is a sad lament about the miserable (poor) According to them, the rhythm of the passing game generated melody of 'salung', 'sordam' or 'tulila' flute also reflect the same things. While the social status as male-law-men (called 'babere'), very reluctant to declare a state of life that miserable (poor) to 'uncle' ('mora' or 'tulang'), although without passing formal singing or musical instruments. Because it would bring shame to himself because it can lower the status and dignity.
On the other hand, the content of the text 'ende sitogol' and 'ende ungut-ungut' tend to have sad character because it is a sad lament about the miserable (poor) According to them, the rhythm of the passing game generated melody of 'salung', 'sordam' or 'tulila' flute also reflect the same things. While the social status as male-law-men (called 'babere'), very reluctant to declare a state of life that miserable (poor) to 'uncle' ('mora' or 'tulang'), although without passing formal singing or musical instruments. Because it would bring shame to himself because it can lower the status and dignity.
Another case when the uncle himself pleased reached out (giving help). Because every 'babere' generally very keep and maintain his dignity. Besides his position as 'babere' must also 'sangko' and 'marbaso' to 'uncle' ('mora' or 'tulang'). Perhaps it is precisely such circumstances that limit the desire of every individual in Mandailing society to express openly misery to the people. And fellow Mandailing feel obliged to warn each other about meatballs and sangko norms in their social life. In this connection, if someone wants to spill all liver wedge ('ni arsak roha') through the 'music', then he would go to a lonely place in the woods, in fields, in gardens or to the riverbank. We can hear the songs of both types and/ or strains of a wind instrument of the deserted places, but the figure of people who do not ever seem. When the activity of singing or playing a wind instrument was visible to others, usually the '.music' was stopped because there was a sense of shame.
All was done because our ancestors (Mandailing people) realize how important manners (ethics) in socio-cultural life, so they have created ordinances or interpersonal interaction the guidelines are quite specific ie 'baso' and 'sangko'. It would be useful to maintain the socio-cultural harmony Mandailing people.
All was done because our ancestors (Mandailing people) realize how important manners (ethics) in socio-cultural life, so they have created ordinances or interpersonal interaction the guidelines are quite specific ie 'baso' and 'sangko'. It would be useful to maintain the socio-cultural harmony Mandailing people.
'GONDANG', RECIPROCITY AND 'OLONG'
When we witness the music ensemble 'gordang sambilan' and 'gondang boru' played on a traditional wedding ceremony in a 'huta' for example, it is not hard to guess that the family that organizes weddings 'haroan Boru' it must be a descendant of the kings. For example, marriage party 'anak ni raja' could have lasted for seven days and seven nights and 'gondang' (music) sounds continuously Turns 'gondang' is precisely what distinguishes 'orja' (traditional wedding) between descendants of the kings and the majority (called 'alak na jaji' or 'si tuan na jaji').
Likewise, the power of a king in
Mandailing not absolute. Because of the major role in determining everything that concerns the people's interests are 'namora natoras', is traditional
leadership in Mandailing as representing the people (Parliament ?). All
of decision and wisdom 'raja' always based on consensus (mutual agreement) with 'na mora natoras' in sopo godang is not
walled, so that all person in 'huta' can hear and see the process
and the results. Thus it is clear that the system of government in evey 'huta' in Mandailing is very open and democratic. A 'raja' said to be 'marsomba ibalian marsomba ibagasan' (he is worshiped and worship of the
people. In addition, 'raja' also likened 'ayu na godang parsilaungan' (as a place of refuge), 'partalaga na so hiang' (food supply is always sufficient), and 'parsaba na bolak' (rice acreage owners are very vast). In the past, people always get the king's protection, which can be held at any time help.
While the vast rice fields of the king was in fact also belong together (people) have worked together by the people, who Then yields collected on granary (called 'opuk' belonged to the king. If the people shortage of food (rice), then a king at all times ready to share the contents granary rice to the people, "because after all there because the king as a leader appointed by the people" (marsomba ibalian marsomba ibagasan'). When people lack of food, then a king at all times ready to share the contents of his granary to the people, because after all "no king was appointed by the people" ('marsomba ibalian marsomba ibagasan'). Behavior of a king in advance is always put the interests of the people, it also protects and protect the people. Instead people cherish, honor, glorify and uphold the dignity of their king ('nai pagodang-godang sahalana na i jujung-jujung tondina'). Thus customary marriage ceremonies was once 'anak ni raja' with all its attributes including 'gordang Sambilan' and 'gondang dua'is a reflection of the attitude to those who help each other simultaneously and in need, all of which were oriented to 'olong, arumbukan dohot domu' (love each other, and agree together united).
While the vast rice fields of the king was in fact also belong together (people) have worked together by the people, who Then yields collected on granary (called 'opuk' belonged to the king. If the people shortage of food (rice), then a king at all times ready to share the contents granary rice to the people, "because after all there because the king as a leader appointed by the people" (marsomba ibalian marsomba ibagasan'). When people lack of food, then a king at all times ready to share the contents of his granary to the people, because after all "no king was appointed by the people" ('marsomba ibalian marsomba ibagasan'). Behavior of a king in advance is always put the interests of the people, it also protects and protect the people. Instead people cherish, honor, glorify and uphold the dignity of their king ('nai pagodang-godang sahalana na i jujung-jujung tondina'). Thus customary marriage ceremonies was once 'anak ni raja' with all its attributes including 'gordang Sambilan' and 'gondang dua'is a reflection of the attitude to those who help each other simultaneously and in need, all of which were oriented to 'olong, arumbukan dohot domu' (love each other, and agree together united).
EPILOGUE
We often hear people say that "talking about Mandailing will always be associated with Islam". The starting point of thinking that because the majority of Mandailing people are devout followers of Islam. This fact can not be ignored, because the religion of Islam has been entrenched in almost every aspect of their lives. Consequently, a variety of traditional cultural activities as a heritage they have left because they were considered quite contrary to the teachings of Islam; washed old religious system (pelebegu) those who worship spirits or delicate creatures that dwell in the mountains, big trees, various forms of sculpture, caves, rivers, and others. Similarly, the tradition of 'eksogami marga' (exogamy clan) getting loose so it's been a lot going on in the marriage between Mandailing people who have the same surname ('incest'). Likewise, all of it actually happening as usual 'culture', was a 'process', 'ideas' and are dynamic also ?
However, the values of Mandailing cultural tradition is not at all in conflict with the teachings of Islam. Even be said that the teachings of Islam that further clarify the usefulness and nature of cultural values Mandailing tradition itself. For example, the existence of social ethics 'baso' and 'sangko', it may not come from the teachings of Islam (in this case needs further research). Because if someone is violating the norms 'baso' or 'sangko' that we never hear charges of 'na so martuhan' (atheist) or 'na so mengingot tuhan' (do not remember the god), but always with charges of 'na so marbaso' or 'na so maradat'. Since a lot of Mandailing traditional cultural values that do not conflict or in line with the teachings of Islam, so it is not surprising that in the midst of society we find the phrase: "adat ombar dohot ugamo" and "ombar do adat dohot ibadat". That is to say, the custom side by side with religion. That is, customs side by side with Islam.
However, the values of Mandailing cultural tradition is not at all in conflict with the teachings of Islam. Even be said that the teachings of Islam that further clarify the usefulness and nature of cultural values Mandailing tradition itself. For example, the existence of social ethics 'baso' and 'sangko', it may not come from the teachings of Islam (in this case needs further research). Because if someone is violating the norms 'baso' or 'sangko' that we never hear charges of 'na so martuhan' (atheist) or 'na so mengingot tuhan' (do not remember the god), but always with charges of 'na so marbaso' or 'na so maradat'. Since a lot of Mandailing traditional cultural values that do not conflict or in line with the teachings of Islam, so it is not surprising that in the midst of society we find the phrase: "adat ombar dohot ugamo" and "ombar do adat dohot ibadat". That is to say, the custom side by side with religion. That is, customs side by side with Islam.
Gandoang . February 24, 2014.
~o0o~